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Early Report

Winter 1994, Volume 21, Issue 2
 

In this issue:

Research

  • Introduction
  • Research! Practice! Never the Twain Shall Meet!
  • Research About Children as Witnesses
  • Research About Professional Development
  • Making a Career of it: The State of the States Report on Career Development in Early Care and Education
  • Resilience
  • On the Director's Mind
  • As problems increase and budgets decrease, it is important for early childhood professionals to take a role in influencing policies and financial investments of government. This issue of Early Report spotlights several areas of research and points out the need for advocates to understand and use the information.

    Using research to improve practice often means translating the research data into everyday language and suggesting appropriate changes indicated by the findings and conclusions.

    Please write and tell us if these brief reports are helpful and suggest other topics you'd like to hear about.

    Erna Fishhaut, Editor


    Research! Practice! Never the Twain Shall Meet!

    by Erna Fishhaut

    This year CEED comes of age, we are 21 years old. Even before conception, when CEED was just a twinkle in Shirley Moore's eye, there was research evidence, reported by psychologists like Benjamin Bloom, that the first five years of life were the most important years in the development of a child. In the '60s, researchers such as Ira Gordon, Martin Deutsch, and Jerome Bruner said that attention must be paid to the whole child and the family. The evidence, however, had very little impact on practice. Very few educators or administrators found ways to change school systems or family practices because of the information that was available. The research was finally transferred into practice as part of the government's war on poverty. The components of health and community were added to the formula when Head Start was put into place in 1965.

    As Head Start and other early education programs gained favor, there was greater interest in the study of child development. In addition to the effectiveness of preschool, there was curiosity about such things as language development, peer relationships, methods for teaching children with special needs, and adult-child relationships. The next two decades produced more research about children than had ever been done in a similar period of time.

    Still, in those enlightened years, the research findings often went unheeded, even by the true believers, the early childhood educators. They didn't know how to interpret the data, asking for specific details and rules about how to use the research in the classroom. The need for translation, clarification and methods to transfer research to practice became more clear. Since change almost always requires funding, it was also necessary to help the policy makers understand the impact of the research.

    Change is slow, and we don't always use language that makes sense to policy makers (from congress to local school boards). A few researchers have led the way-knocking on the doors of legislators. David Weikart knew that economic evidence would make the difference; politicians would take notice. His data from the Perry Preschool Project in Ypsilanti, Michigan was translated into investment/return language, and the concept of early education as a good investment took hold.

    While Weikart and his colleagues are specific about their findings from more than 25 years of study and the projections based upon that evidence, many others lobbying for a multitude of programs have generalized and used that information to make a myriad of claims. In large, those claims were logical, and there has been a proliferation of programs for young children based on the premises from the Perry Preschool data. Why would I question having funds allocated for children? I wouldn't! But the kind of information that one could use to stimulate change and improvement of services ought not be limited to the "tried and true."

    This issue of Early Report points out just a few examples of research evidence that could be useful to practitioners as well as the public, administrators, and political representatives. Armed with such data, advocates can propose solutions to some of the problems that face us today (such as family violence, children raising children, inadequate schools, poor- quality child care). We urge each of you to think about what role you can play in finding out more about research and putting the evidence you know about into practice.

    Perhaps you are the one who knocks on the door of the legislator or writes a letter to the local newspaper. Maybe you determine what information teachers or human service workers need to understand children, their growth and development, and their problems. Moving research into practice is no simple matter, but it can be accomplished if all of us work together, doing these things and more.

    Prevention Programs Not Reaching Many Minnesota Children

    Kids Count, a joint project of the Children's Defense Fund/Minnesota and Congregations Concerned for Children, assesses the condition of Minnesota's children. In the fall of 1993 they reported that among Minnesota children who began kindergarten in 1992, only 63 percent had been fully immunized by age two, leaving over 20,000 children vulnerable to disease.

    Immunizations protect children against diseases that can result in permanent disability or death. Measles, for example, which is easily prevented with two doses of vaccine, can produce complications such as bronchial pneumonia, encephalitis (which may result in permanent brain damage or death), and chronic middle ear infections.

    Immunizations are the proverbial ounce of prevention. They save lives and prevent unnecessary illnesses. The success of vaccines is nothing short of phenomenal.

    With the exception of ensuring safe water, no other public health effort has been as effective in preventing illness. For every dollar spent on measles vaccine, $14 is saved in health care costs. Every dollar spent on pertussis (whooping cough) vaccine saves $2.10 in health care costs.

    The answer to improving immunization rates for Minnesota children is not simply to provide more money.

    Kids Count recommends:

    1. Bring immunizations to children. lt. is clear from the 91% rate of immunization of Head Start children that rates go up when immunizations come to children. Offer immunizations through other programs, such as child care facilities already serving large numbers of infants and young children.

    2. Educate parents about the importance of immunizations.

    3. Establish a system for tracking children's immunizations.

    How Poverty Damages Children

    Much has been said about how poverty damages children's overall well-being. Recent studies have confirmed this statement and have identified specific consequences. For example:

    Poverty and intelligence

    Five-year-olds who have experienced poverty have significantly lower IQs than non-poor children, according to a study by Duncan, Brooks-Gunn and lebanov, released by the University of Michigan. This search held up even after adjustment for racial differences, mother's education, family structure, and other factors.

    Poverty and growth

    Poverty is associated with significant developmental problems in children. Studies have found that stunted growth affects 11-to-15 percent of poor children ages two to five, compared with 5 percent of non-poor children. The U.S. Public Health Services warned in 990 that an estimated 3 million young children, virtually all of them poor, had blood lead levels so high s to place them at risk for impaired mental and physical development.

    Poverty and education

    Every year that children live in poverty significantly creases their risk of falling behind in school by ages 6 to 18, according to the U.S. Department of education. Poor children are more likely to fall behind school, even after accounting for such differences s race, gender, region, family composition, mother's education, and parents' involvement in the child's schooling.

    Poverty and death

    Poor children are about three times as likely to die during childhood as their non-poor peers, according to the Kansas State Department of Health and the Maine Department of Human Services. Based on the Maine findings, an estimated 1 0,000 to 1 1,000 children die each year in the United States from causes related to poverty.

    Such findings provide a chilling picture of the enormously high price children pay for growing up poor and how costly child poverty may be for the nation in terms of lost productivity and other negative outcomes for children.

    Some research suggests that income may matter even more to a child's success than parents' education or family structure. "Family income is a far more powerful correlate of a child's IQ at age five than maternal education, ethnicity, and growing up in a single-parent family," says Greg Duncan, lead author of the University of Michigan study.

    Excerpts from CDF Reports, July 1993, 14 (8), 8.

    Combating child poverty is high on the agenda of the Children's Defense Fund. Staff needs research data and personal stories to use in their advocacy efforts. To share a story write Arloc Sherman, CDF, 25 E St. NW, Washington, DC 20001, or call 202/662- 3537.


    Research About Children as Witnesses

    Children's Suggestibility

    In recent years, not only judges and attorneys, but also researchers have raised questions about the accuracy of children's testimony, particularly in child abuse cases. One important aspect of the accuracy of children's reports that figured so prominently in the McMartin case and hundreds of others like it was the degree to which very young children are disproportionately prone to suggestion.

    To study children's suggestibility, a group of researchers, (Saywitz, Goodman, Nicholas, & Mona, 1991) asked children misleading questions about being touched. They studied five- and seven-year-old girls' memories of medical examinations. Half of those in each age group had a scoliosis exam (for curvature of the spine), and the other children had a genital exam.

    When children were interviewed later, they were asked suggestive and nonsuggestive questions that were abuse related (e.g., "How many times did the doctor kiss you?") or nonabuse related (e.g., "Didn't the doctor look at your feet first?"). Although there were differences in the responses given by the five-year-olds and seven-year-olds, very few children of either age gave incorrect responses; the seven-year-old children never made a false report of abuse, and the five-year- olds did so only four times, although they were given 215 opportunities.

    Saywitz and her colleagues conclude the children's inaccurate reports were mainly errors of omission. The majority of children receiving the genital examination did not disclose genital contact unless specifically asked to do so (e.g., when asked a direct question such as "Did the doctor touch you here?").

    A review of this study by Goodman and Clarke-Stewart (1 991) concluded that:
    "Most children are not likely to make up details of sexual acts when nothing abusive happened to them. The researchers suggest that children will not easily yield to a suggestion that something sexual occurred when in fact it did not."

    To summarize, recent studies are quite contradictory about the reliability of children's reports, resulting in headlines claiming Studies Show Children are Credible as Witnesses in one publication, while another states Research Shows Child Witnesses Unable to Distinguish Reality from Fantasy.

    There is no definitive conclusion about the reliability of all children as witnesses. It is safe to conclude, though, that children are neither as suggestible and coachable as some have alleged, nor as resistant to suggestions about their own bodies as others have claimed. Under certain conditions, they can be led to incorporate false suggestions into their accounts of situations, but they can also be amazingly resistant to false suggestions and able to provide highly detailed and accurate reports of events that transpired weeks or months ago.

    Anatomically Correct Dolls

    The use of anatomically correct dolls has been criticized by many. Two arguments are made against their use:
    1. The dolls are suggestive; they encourage the child to engage in sexual play even if the child has not been sexually abused (e.g., Gardner, 1989; Terr, 1988). A child may insert a finger into a doll's genitalia, for instance, simply because of its novelty or "affordance," much the way a child may insert a finger into the hole in a doughnut.
    2. It is impossible to make firm judgments about children's abuse status on the basis of their doll play because there are no normative data on nonabused children's doll play.

    On the basis of a literature review in 1993, Ceci & Bruck concluded that the findings are inconsistent and point to the need for additional research and development of explicit procedures to govern the use of anatomically correct dolls by interviewers. They suggest that the dolls should only be used with great caution.

    Researchers such as Berry, Skinner and Wolfner are more specific- "...we are left with the conclusion that there is simply no scientific evidence available that would justify clinical or forensic diagnosis of abuse on the basis of the dolls."

    Excerpts from Social Policy Report.- Society for Research in Child Development, Volume VII, Number 3, Fall 1993.


    Research About Professional Development

    Training for Quality: Improving Early Childhood Programs through Systematic Training

    This new book, by Ann S. Epstein (published by High/Scope Press) provides a research base for in-service training policies. It is one of the most in-depth research examinations to date of the links between in- service training, early childhood program implementation, and the ultimate impact of both on children's development. In the book's foreword, Lilian Katz outlines the volume's key lessons about effective in-service training:

    1. In-service training must be available on site with trainers readily accessible for consultation and support.
    2. In-service training should be continuous and constant rather than the one-shot, scattershot approach of much current training, e.g., single conferences or workshops.
    3. Teacher training is most likely to be effective when based on a coherent conception of teaching and learning.
    4. The approaches used to train adults should be congruent with the approaches that they, in turn, are expected to use with children.
    5. Effective in-service training requires time and continuity because it addresses teachers' ideas, beliefs, and dispositions, as well as skills and techniques.
    6. Ensuring an optimal environment for children depends upon the provision of an optimal environment for adults, including good salaries and benefits, as well as good interpersonal relationships.

    Training for quality. Monograph #9 High/Scope Educational Research Foundation Monograph Series.


    Making a Career of It:
    The State of the States Report on Career Development
    in Early Care and Education

    This is a landmark study. It details the policies that @e ermine the qualifications and training available to those who care for and teach young children not yet in school and in school-age child care programs. The study addresses:

    1. licensing regulations that govern training and qualifications;
    2. certification regulations;
    3. training opportunities for those entering the field and those already in it;
    4. financing to support training;
    5. relationships between regulation, training opportunities, and financing and their combined impact on career development; and
    6. promising practices in career development initiatives.

    The findings stress the complexity of the current "nonsystem" of early care and education training:

    1. No bridges between child care licensing and early childhood teacher certification
    2. No bridges between non-credit and credit training
    3. Almost no funding to encourage or support an individual to move from non-credit training to a certificate or degree program.

    The authors note, "Whether a practitioner is employed in early care and education by a public school, by Head Start, or as part of the purchase-of-service system, there is no overall system that supports adequate preparation and career development of practitioners that are necessary for quality programs for children."

    Making a Career of It, Gwen Morgan, Sheri Azer, Joan B. Costley, Andrea Genser, Irene F. Goodman, Joan Lombardi and Bettina McGimsey, published by the Center for Career Development in Early Care and Education at Wheelock College.

    Eight Policy Recommendations for an Early Childhood Career Development System

    1. Create a planning and policy-making body with early childhood practitioner representation to develop a comprehensive, long-term plan for career development.
    2. Regulate the qualifications of all early childhood practitioners.
    3. Require that every state have an early childhood teacher certificate that includes a practicum with prekindergarten children.
    4. Improve access to training for working early childhood practitioners.
    5. Improve articulation in higher education.
    6. License individuals as well as facilities.
    7. Increase compensation for early childhood practitioners according to their qualifications and roles.
    8. Allocate 5 percent of direct service funds for training.

    From Making a Career of It.- The State of the States Report on Career Development in Early Care and Education, by Gwen Morgan, et al.


    Resilience

    One of the concepts that has been accepted in the last decade is that of resilience in the development of children. The term resilience refers to the child's capacity to recover from a stressful event. The dictionary defines it as the tendency to "rebound or recoil" or to "spring back." It is not intended to imply that some children are immune to or unaffected by stress.

    In identifying the attributes that correlate with children who are adaptable under stressful circumstances, three factors emerge:

    INDIVIDUAL FACTORS
    Reflective of temperament indicators such as activity level, reflectiveness in meeting new situations, responsiveness to others, and cognitive skills from IQ measures.

    FAMILIAL FACTORS
    Despite the family's poverty status or the presence of marked marital discord; marked by warmth, cohesion, a concern by parents for the well-being of their children, and the presence of some caring adult in the absence of responsive parents.

    SUPPORT FACTORS
    Outside of the family. This could be a person who provides external support to the resilient child (supportive and concerned teacher, social worker, scout leader, etc.); or it may be an institutional structure such as a caring social agency, an involved school system, or a church that serves to foster the child's ties to the larger community.

    Some research has said that occasionally there was a decline in the level of competency of children over a period of time, e.g., those who had been abused or neglected. Norman Garmezy, professor emeritus at the University of Minnesota, replies that it may have been a function of persistent deprivation rather than a question about the construct of resiliency. "Being resilient or adaptive does not imply immunity to negative life events. If relentless cumulative stress affects most adults, then it logically follows that children are also affected by cumulative stress."

    Garmezy, Norman (1991). Resilience in Children's Adoption to Negative Life Events and Stressed Environments. Pediatric Annals 20:9.


    On The Director's Mind

    by Mary McEvoy

    Throughout CEED's twenty-year history, there has been an emphasis on bringing people together and making things work. There has en a sense of community that together, as professionals from different disciplines, as family members, as advocates, or as consumers, we can strengthen our approach to working with young children and their families and the communities in which they live. CEED has served as a channel for disseminating research, as a forum for people to share as and goals that go beyond disciplinary boundaries, and has focused on educating and informing others (such as policy makers, practitioners m various disciplines, parents, faculty and graduate dents) about current issues in early childhood and family education.

    Although "doing something" about young children and their families is often seen as the solution to many of problems that beset our society, the efforts are still fragmented. Professionals in each discipline look for right answer. This year, Dean Robert Bruininks reminded the College of Education faculty that "our challenge is to achieve greater coherence and ordination of effort, so that more of what we do is conducted as an overall college community."

    Individual faculty members from the six departments in College of Education (Vocational and Technical Education, Curriculum and Instruction, Educational Psychology, Child Development, Kinesiology and Leisure Studies, and Educational Policy and ministration) have worked together for a number of years to develop individual course offerings and practicum experiences that are family focused and emphasize an interdisciplinary approach. Now, those us who educate professionals to work with young children and their families are being challenged to look at creative ways to extend and expand these collaborative efforts on a College wide basis.

    As we begin the next twenty years, CEED will place a emphasis on coordinating early education training he College of Education, working closely with the Dean's Office and faculty from each department. For early education is an encompassing term which includes a focus on child development (prenatal to e eight), patenting and caregiving issues, early intervention, and public policy and program development.

    This year, CEED staff will work with College of Education faculty on three main issues:

    1. Improving the range of opportunities available to all students, regardless of departmental affiliation, with an emphasis on training leaders in the field of early education;

    2. Facilitating cross-departmental research efforts for students and faculty with interests in early education; and

    3. Disseminating information about research, training, and service efforts related to early education.

    CEED will commit both financial and personnel support to this coordination endeavor. We will work to create an early education program at the University of Minnesota that is interdisciplinary and family centered, yet continues to build on the strengths of each discipline or department represented. We are firmly committed to helping the College of Education in redesigning the way we train tomorrow's professionals, leaders, and researchers in early education ... and we welcome your input and involvement.


    Copyright © 2004 by Center for Early Education and Development

    These materials may be freely reproduced for education/training or related activities. There is no requirement to obtain special permission for such uses. We do, however, ask that the following citation appear on all reproductions:

    Reprinted with permission of the Center for Early Education and Development (CEED), College of Education and Human Development, University of Minnesota, 1954 Buford Avenue, Suite 425, St. Paul, MN, 55108; phone: 612-625-2898; fax: 612-625-6619; e-mail: ceed@umn.edu, web site: http://cehd.umn.edu/ceed.



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